South America

CanadaCubaPress ReleasesVenezuela

The Organization of American States: On its Deathbed?

Haiti: Revisiting the Aristide debate – To Our Readers

Unfortunately, an older and unedited version of the COHA piece entitled “The OAS: On its Deathbed?” was inadvertently sent out to a very small cohort of COHA readers on October 17 before an error was discovered and the press run was immediately aborted.

Due to a computer editing error, the author, Sean Bartlett did not catch that two different facts were spliced into one sentence. Jose Miguel Insulza, as a young man in his late twenties, was a political director in the Chilean Foreign Ministry under the Allende administration, eventually rising to the rank of foreign minister decades later under the second Frei Administration after returning from exile abroad during the Pinochet dictatorship. (He, of course, was not Chile’s foreign minister under Allende as stated in the version that was sent in error). The error has been corrected and the author regrets this mistake.

  • Should the OAS be reconstituted with Canada and the US as observer nations, or can the US revise its role as both a leader and an ally that respects its own limitations?
  • Sovereign rights are no meager subject
  • Latin America needs its freedom and autonomy outside the OAS in order for it to grow

Illness is not usually the equivalence of death. This aphorism is being applied by some to the health of the Organization of American States (OAS), the premiere regional organization and forum for the democratic nations of the Western Hemisphere. As the international political landscape has evolved from the Cold War to the Wars on Drugs and Terror, the United States, the OAS’ proverbial elephant, has diverted much of its attention to events occurring outside of the region. Thus, today it almost seems to be a fallacy that as goes the U.S., so goes the OAS. In terms of investment and trade matters this may be a legitimate concern, but the long-term political, economic, and social thrust of the other Western Hemispheric nations does not seem to be adversely affected by a cut-back in U.S. attention to the region. In fact, many of them have thrived, with a number of them welcoming a lesser role for the U.S. because this will allow for pluralism, diversification, and experimentation now that Washington’s often heavy hand has been lightened. However, a lesser role that has translated to the U.S.’ virtual disappearance concerning hemispheric affairs in the last several years was not originally envisaged. The subsequent result has been a growing number of voices inviting inquiry as to the contemporary relevance of the OAS.

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ArgentinaBrazilPress ReleasesUruguay

Argentina: At the Cusp of Change, Or, Continuity

  • A tumultuous past, a potentially problematic future
  • The candidates and projections of their political fate
  • What will another Kirchner presidency mean for Argentina?
  • Ideas about the nation's future
  • Peronist-bred mystifications go on

With the presidential elections coming up on October 28, Argentina is astir with speculation regarding its top candidates. First Lady and president presumptive, Senator Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, maintains first place in the polls, followed by Elisa Carrió, an outspoken critic of the current Kirchner administration, and Roberto Lavagna, former economy minister to that administration as well as the man credited with pulling Argentina out of its recent economic nightmare. The upcoming election, aside from all its innate drama, marks a very important milestone for the future of the Argentine polity as well as its economy.

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Press ReleasesVenezuela

Entre La Espada y La Pared:
As Venezuela's desire to join MERCOSUR diminishes, Hugo Chávez flirts with a pro-free trade CAN

  • Venezuela's return to The Andean Community of Nations (CAN) appears imminent as its prospects for entering MERCOSUR fades
  • The ability of the Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez to live within an EU-CAN Free Trade Agreement is put into question
  • Chávez has befriended Russia and China, but experiences difficulties sustaining alliances with South American powerhouse Brazil and with Peru
  • The Venezuelan leader continues his row with the Brazilian Senate

The possibility of Venezuela to join MERCOSUR diminishes because of the reluctance of the Brazilian Senate to vote in favour of Venezuelan membership. Caracas is now flirting with the prospect of returning to the Andean Community of Nations (CAN). Venezuela withdrew from CAN in April 2006 in favour of trying to join MERCOSUR. Subsequently, a paradoxical situation may ensue because of the possibility of CAN, as a bloc, to sign a free trade agreement with the European Union (EU) – a deal that the Venezuelan President Chávez presently vehemently opposes. Despite its oil wealth, Venezuela may find itself to be virtually the only South American country not to participate in economic arrangements if it does not join either of the two evolving major regional trade pacts. During the next few months Venezuela's future in South America's political-economic line-up will be determined, a period which will test Hugo Chávez' capacity to persuade CAN not only to accept again Venezuela as a member (which CAN most likely will do), but also test Chavez’s abilities to deal with that bloc's prospective plans for a free trade agreement with the EU.

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ColombiaPress Releases

Delegative Democracy: The Case of Colombia

In 1994, Guillermo O'Donnell, one of Latin America's most prominent political scientists, identified a "new species" of democracy that was now present throughout most of Latin America, and labeled this phenomenon "delegative democracy," a type that is neither representative nor institutionalized. The basic premise of a delegative democracy is that once an individual is elected president he/she is "thereby entitled to govern as he or she sees fit." Power falls into the hands of a single person, but, unlike authoritarianism, the leader is still held accountable at the ballot box by the electorate. O'Donnell has used his theory to accurately describe variants of democracies in countries such as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru. Colombia, though, didn't seem to comfortably fit the delegative democratic model. However, since Alvaro Uribe, a Liberal Party dissident rose to power in 2002, Colombia's democracy has increasingly become more delegative, and thus less representative. The populace, tired of decades of corruption and complacency under an ineffectual bipartisan model, chose a leader who is the epitome of the presumptive delegative democratic model: a highly individualistic, paternalistic figure who sits above all other institutions as "the embodiment of the nation."

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