Peru

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Latin America and Europe: The Future Of EU-ACN Trade Negotiations

Since 1993, representatives from the member countries of the Andean Community of Nations (ACN) and the European Union (EU) have met periodically to strengthen their commercial and political ties. From the European side, the eventual goal of these meetings was to allow for the Andean countries to find an alternative development model to the one proposed by Washington. This would allow for the EU to assist in creating development programs and offer the Andean nations opportunities for economic integration with the European body. As part of this assistance, the ACN and the EU would negotiate a treaty to enhance their political dialogue and cooperation. Though negotiations have been stalled for quite some time, the potential Association Agreement resulting from the meetings would include pursuing common political and economic goals, such as a free trade agreement (FTA) between the two blocs and for further support for development within the Andean region.

Analyzing the Association Agreement
European politicians would like their Latin American counterparts to believe that the above are the goals of the Agreement. In reality, the actions of EU leaders do not begin to address the complex political-economic situation found within the Andean region. Furthermore, it would be naïve to underestimate the possibility of special interests pressuring Andean politicians to sign an FTA and equally as far-fetched to assume that Europe intends to help the ACN out of pure altruism. The proposed FTA is based on previous agreements negotiated by Peru and Colombia (the latter ones, yet to be ratified) with the U.S. and must be closely scrutinized in order to ensure that it is both efficient and rejection proof.

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This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Guillermo Cornejo

A Fact of Life: Strategic Alliance for Venezuela and Russia

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez met yesterday in Moscow with his Russian counterparts Russian President Dimitri Medvédev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. They seemed to enjoy every moment of the occasion, even though it was rather short when it came to hard developments. The encounter was arranged to formalize a military and defense alliance between the two countries, dubbed the “Alianza Estratégica.” The three leaders placed great stress on the importance of the meeting in which trade deals, arms sales, coordinated energy policies and the expansion of trade and joint financial services were achieved between the two nations.

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This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Raylsiyaly Rivero

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The Greater Significance of the 2008 EU-LAC Conference

The fifth biennial summit between members of the European Union and Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) Countries was held in Lima, Peru on May 16-17, 2008. In spite of the regions’ active pursuit of tangible agreements that would address the problems of poverty and development, little progress was made. The lack of progress was a devastating blow to the legitimacy of the conference. Leaders of both regions must be held accountable for this lack of progress, and need to realize that future relations between these two regions depend on the achievement of goals set for summits like Lima.

History of the Strategic Partnership
In 1999, the first summit between member states of the EU and LAC was held in Rio de Janeiro. At Rio, forty-eight heads of state attempted to address some of the issues affecting their respective countries and to find collaborative solutions to those issues. Both regions also aspired to strengthen consensus on international issues so that they could be contentious with other international powers, especially the United States.

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This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Kristin Bushby

EU Recognizes Significance of Reforms under Raúl Castro and Inefficiency of Sanctions: Will the US be as Clever?

On June 19, 2008, the European Union (EU) unanimously voted to lift its 2003 diplomatic sanctions against Cuba despite the traditional destructive negativity of countries like the Czech Republic and Sweden who affirm that Raúl Castro has not implemented sufficient reforms to warrant this measure. The sanctions limited the ability of high-level government officials to visit Cuba and participate in its cultural events while establishing amicable relations with Cuban dissidents. This decision, spearheaded by Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, aims to encourage further liberalization through dialogue that is “unconditional, reciprocal, non-discriminatory and results-oriented… in the context of the recent changes initiated by President Raúl Castro.” It calls upon Cuban authorities to protect human rights and release political prisoners while resuming economic aid to the island. In a year, the EU will review the island’s progress and, if this measure proves ineffective, they can reconsider their strategy to further encourage the democratization process.

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This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Michelle Quiles

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Brazil Spearheads UNASUR Defense Council, but in a Surprise move, Colombia Withdraws

• Implications for Brazil
• The Venezuela-Colombia Rift
• Regional Autonomy
• The Rebirth of the Fourth Fleet and with it the Ghost of Gunboat Diplomacy
• The new Pattern of United States-South American Relations

Member states of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) signed a pact on Friday, May 23 in Brasília to establish judicial and political components for the emerging, limited union. On the docket was a plan to create a military coordinating component of UNASUR, the Conselho Sul-Americano de Defesa (CSD). However, the CSD was destined to be founded without the important exception of Colombia, which recently confused its neighbors by revoking its intention to join. Brazil, in collaboration with Venezuela, spearheaded the creation of the defense portion of the pact, which will be increasingly NATO-like in structure.

Successfully founding the CSD, which had been scheduled to include Colombia, would have represented an enormous victory for what has been called President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s “pragmatic left” leadership. It was no secret that Brasília hoped to use the CSD to strengthen regional ties across highly sensitive boundaries, with Colombia on the right, Venezuela on the left, and Brazil hoping to act as the mediating middle. However, the withdrawal of Bogotá, with one of the region’s most advanced militaries, has significantly weakened the pact from its onset. Brazilian defense minister, Nelson Jobim, described the basic tenets of the CSD as an integrated alliance without an operating field capability. CSD forces would cooperate, for example, in contributing to UN and other humanitarian missions if necessary. The alliance will also be expected to coordinate military technology and resources.

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