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The President Wears Prada: The Rise, Fall, and Misconceptions of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s Presidency

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By: Otto Raul Tielemans Jr., Research Associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs


For years, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was the woman who walked on water. A self-made political celebrity, her captivating speeches and decisiveness made her the heroine of Latin America’s leftist politics. Former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Venezuela’s former President Hugo Chávez were unwavering supporters of Cristina.  La Casa Rosada, a palatial stronghold in Buenos Aires, served as a pulpit in her crusade to recreate Argentina as a fairer, socially inclusive nation.

But even a palace can be a prison. President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s loyal supporters, who once adorned Argentina’s busy streets, have morphed into crowds of ever-growing dissidents. Rampant inflation, unmanageable crime, and widespread corruption are but a few of their grievances. Riots are episodic, commodity shortages frequent, and wage strikes by government workers an almost daily affair. Even her foreign allies, once loyal friends of her administration, have deserted her.

It does not take long to notice that the once seemingly invincible “Iron Lady of the South” has fallen. A hemorrhaging economy and plummeting popularity rate indicate her steep skid. Yet, while Cristina’s administration flounders to restore economic security and promote social prosperity, it would be foolish for opposition members and foreign observers to speculate that her fall from grace as Argentina’s first elected female president signals a return to center-right politics. Moreover, although Argentina’s constitution currently prohibits Cristina from pursuing a third term in office, the “Kirchner Dynasty” (2003-present) is far from being rendered extinct.

The Birth of a Modern Evita

The widow of Argentina’s 51st president, President Néstor Kirchner, Cristina’s active role in politics prior to her presidency and status as First Lady is often overlooked. Those critical of her administration insist that the now 61-year-old politician latched onto her husband as a means of joining the ranks of Argentina’s political elite. However, Cristina’s political career has been the product of her own hard work and advanced degree of determination.

The daughter of a bus driver, Cristina became politically active during her university studies in the 1970s, when she sympathized with the ongoing Peronist Youth movement [1]. Unlike Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff or Chilean Head of State Michelle Bachelet who physically fought for leftists’ ideals, neither Cristina nor her husband were ever known to have joined guerilla movements against their country’s dictatorial regime [2]. Cautious activists at best, the couple wed in 1975, temporarily withdrawing from politics after the 1976 overthrow of President Isabel Perón. Due to the dangers of being politically active, both Néstor and Cristina decided to retreat to Santa Cruz where they co-founded a lucrative law firm [3].

Following the restoration of Argentina’s democratically-elected, civilian government in 1983, Cristina reentered politics with the intention of vouching for those less fortunate. She was elected to Santa Cruz’s provincial legislature in 1989 and then reelected in 1993 [4]. However, she soon abandoned municipal politics, choosing to join the ranks of her colleagues at the national level by running for, and winning, a Senate seat for Santa Cruz in 1995 [5]. Cristina went on to become a member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1997, and eventually returned to the Senate in 2001 [6].

Her husband, then Governor of Santa Cruz Province, became president of Argentina in 2003, further boosting Cristina’s popularity as she became the nation’s First Lady. In that position, she acted as an unofficial ambassador for her husband, representing his personal interests both domestically and abroad [7].

Unsurprisingly, Cristina quickly outgrew her role as First Lady. Although she found satisfaction in her various charitable causes, she was still seized by the burning to return to an active role in politics. Consequently, during Argentina’s 2005 legislative elections, she was nominated by her political party, the Justicialist Party, as their candidate in the race for Senator of Buenos Aires Province [8]. Running against Hilda González de Duhalde, a former Argentine First Lady, the race was quickly labeled a “wives duel” in which Cristina emerged victorious. By means of that ballot, she became the first female in her nation’s history to simultaneously fill the roll of First Lady and member of Congress [9].

While politically impressive, Cristina’s dual roles sparked controversy from various corners of Argentine society. The fact that she was a member of Congress and the wife of the country’s most powerful man meant that she had a part in crafting almost every bill. Furthermore, with her office as First Lady within the presidential palace used as her senatorial headquarters, it became evident that Cristina was fostering the political friendships necessary to reach the presidency [10].

Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) voluntarily stepped aside from the presidency in favor of his wife after serving one term. His administration came into office at the height of Argentina’s financial meltdown. President Kirchner’s government had the responsibility of dealing with Argentina’s 2001 debt default of $132 billion USD -the second largest in history [11]. Regardless of the obstacles that existed when he assumed the presidency, President Kirchner and his ministers were able to restructure loans with 76 percent of creditors [12]. His pragmatism on topics ranging from economics to foreign policy successfully reduced unemployment by 50 percent, all the while boosting national exports [13]. The stabilization of the economy allowed Cristina to use the country’s financial recovery as momentum for her presidential campaign. Unlike her husband, Cristina won the 2007 election by one of the largest margins in Argentine history, garnering 45.3 percent of ballots, featuring a 22 percent lead over her nearest opponent [14].

Madame President  

Cristina was inaugurated on December 10, 2007. She assumed the presidency dressed to the nines, revamping the face of the Argentine presidency with her iconic style and iron-fist determination. Early in her presidency, Cristina focused on quelling domestic turmoil in response to her administration’s agrarian reform, forcing her government to retract the tax increases that they had imposed on soybean exports [15].

Once this issue had been addressed, she redirected her attention to transforming Argentina into a more socially-inclusive nation. In October 2009, Cristina launched her Asignación Universal por Hijo program, a universal child aid plan designed to tackle poverty among some 5 million adolescents [16]. Subsidizing the children of unemployed and informal workers, parents receive monthly payments for vaccinating their children and ensuring their attendance in school. Five years into the program, it has proven successful in boosting school attendance rates and reducing extreme poverty from 6.9 percent to 2.8 percent [17]. Additionally, in July 2010, she successfully guided a bill through congress that nationally legalized same-sex marriage, the first of its kind in South America. [18].

Unfortunately, Néstor Kirchner fell victim to a heart attack in October 2010, half way into Cristina’s first term [19]. The unexpected loss of her partner of 35 years devastated the Latin American president. However, Cristina was adamant about preventing personal affairs from affecting her role as the country’s head of state. Shortly after the death of her husband, she represented Argentina at the G20 summit in Seoul, South Korea [20]. Upon returning home, she threw herself into campaigning for a second term in office, once again preventing a runoff by managing to obtain 54.1% of the votes in the first round [21]. With the majority of Argentines supporting giving her a political mandate, she made various landmark decisions in 2012 in an attempt to fundamentally transform the nation.

From the presidential office, Cristina simultaneously sought to reinvigorate her country’s economy and further advance her social policies at the start of her second term. In May 2012 she aided the LGBTQ community by passing a law that allows men and woman to legally change their name and gender without having to undergo genital reassignment surgery [22]. While citizens must first be diagnosed with persistent gender dysphoria in order to benefit from the law, individuals (including those under the age of 18) still have the option of obtaining free hormone therapy at both public and private institutions [23]. Cristina’s government is the first to do this in the Western Hemisphere.

In October of 2012, she extended the scope of civil society by easing voting regulations, lowering the voting age from 18 to 16 [24]. Though opposition leaders criticized her for allegedly fixing voting regulations as a means of aiding her ailing political party, her actions nevertheless allowed more than half a million citizens to become involved in the electoral process [25].

She also created the Equal Connect program, a campaign launched by her administration to reduce the technological divide between children in cities and rural communities. Through this initiative, 3 million Argentine children received laptops that are theirs to keep once they complete their schooling [26].

Proactive in tackling the nation’s crippling social issues, Cristina’s policies are constructing the framework that is imperative for Argentina’s further development. In order to promote Argentine culture domestically and internationally, she created the Ministry of Culture in 2014 [27]. Earlier in her administration, she established the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Productive Innovation as a means of modernizing the nations’ recovering economy and using science and technology as mechanisms for the country’s future socioeconomic advancement [28]

Fifty Shades of Black: Cristina’s Crumbling Political Fortunes

Many see Cristina’s advancement of LGBTQ rights and social programs as an epoch in the nation’s history and development. However, those not appeased by Cristina’s theatrical political career and various social programs accuse her administration of being utterly out of touch with the people. Ministers within her own government accuse her of being deceitful and uncompromising in her political beliefs, choosing to consult a handful of advisers instead of her entire cabinet [29]. Her reactionary, shortsighted solutions for long-term issues, inflation in particular, have led to currency controls and price ceilings. These price restrictions have caused commodity shortages, adding to the plight of the people and inciting widespread riots against Cristina’s administration [30]. Furthermore, the Kirchner’s net worth increased from $7 million ARS in 2003 to $82 million ARS in 2012 [31]. This 1172 percent soar in the family’s personal wealth, despite the presidential annual salary equaling little more than $100,000 USD, unquestionable has cast a shadow of distrust over her family and administration, and has implicated them in rumors of embezzlement.

Dissenters further charge her administration with turning a blind eye to corruption [32]. Her patronage-based style of governance, known for awarding government contracts and subsidies to political supporters, has been dubbed as a crony capitalist system [33]. Allegations that she uses the country’s tax agency as a censorship tool against independent media outlets has further left her subject to the scrutiny of civil liberty groups [34]. Moreover, the falsification of inflation rates by Argentine agencies led the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to censor the nation, generating more distrust (both domestically and internationally) for her administration [35].

Multinational corporations, ranging from the airline to the oil industry, sympathize with members of the opposition and hold nothing but disdain for her administration’s blatant disrespect for private property. Cristina’s nationalization fervor made international headlines in 2012 after her government confiscated 51 percent of stocks in Repsol, a Spanish oil company [36]. Businesses reacted to her administration’s actions by withdrawing large investments. Some scholars estimate that since assuming the presidency, an excess of $35 billion USD of capital has left the country for more stable economic environments, such as the United States [37].

To Cristina’s dismay, her allies’ abroad, much like her group of supporters at home, are dwindling. Once pursued internationally, her waning influence became apparent last year after she was only able to secure two bilateral meetings during the weeklong United Nations General Assembly meeting [38]. During that same General Assembly session, her representatives announced that an alliance with Spain had been formed to combat Britain on sovereignty issues concerning the Falklands and Gibraltar – only for the Spanish delegation to refute that claim by stating that no such pact had been forged [39].

The 2013 G20 summit in Russia proved to be equally scarring, with a handful of dignitaries unplugging their headphones during Cristina’s longwinded rant concerning “vulture” investors who were attempting to capitalize off Argentina’s 2001-2002 economic collapse [40]. U.S. President Barack Obama, a former admirer of Cristina, was among those exasperated by the president’s comments [41].

Misconceptions Regarding Cristina’s Declining Popularity

Needless to say, Cristina’s prized reputation has declined throughout the course of her long and controversial career. Much like the strength of her nation’s currency, her approval ratings continue to plummet, reaching 27 percent this year (a stark contrast to over 70 percent in 2011) [42]. With little more than a quarter of the Argentine populace supporting her administration, she is one of Latin America’s most unpopular presidents.

As the end of Cristina’s presidency nears, misconceptions abound about the future of Argentina and its government’s policies. False rumors about the resurgence of conservative political parties and a return of the Washington Consensus are inaccurate. A move from leftist to center-right policies is unlikely, for despite the criticisms and political fragility of Cristina, she continues to wield tremendous strength and influence, both domestically and internationally.

Cristina’s Fall Is Not The Resurgence of Center-Right Politics

Argentina’s history has been plagued with despotic regimes. The country’s past military dictatorships are notorious for persecuting activists, journalists, and innocent civilians suspected of sympathizing with opposition groups.

Less than three decades ago the country went through one of its most horrendous periods of internal conflict. Known as “The Dirty War,” the oligarchical Argentine state sponsored acts of terrorism against an excess of 15,000 university students, trade unionists, and leftist sympathizers [43]. Some 10,000 plus citizens were “disappeared” by military authorities [44]. Among those eliminated were civilians who met an untimely death at the hands of soldiers who drugged them and tossed their bodies out of military aircraft into the Atlantic Ocean [45].

With the damage of “The Dirty War” still fresh on the minds of the Argentine populace, many remain fearful that a conservative shift in government policy would leave the country vulnerable to another era of military-led rule in which unscrupulous government officials brutalize innocent civilians. What is more, although Cristina’s extensive network of social programs mainly benefits the impoverished, they continue to be embraced by the public as a means of bestowing upon the less fortunate a fighting-chance to elevate their socioeconomic status.

As such, although Cristina’s second presidential term will soon conclude, there is no indication of the country’s return to center-right politics. Voters remain wary of conservative politics given the events that have transpired in the nation’s history. Many are also unwilling and ill-prepared to relinquish the assistance that has been made by Cristina’s government, especially in Argentina’s current state of financial volatility. And the public, specifically the young, are enjoying many progressive political landmarks (i.e. legalization of gay marriage, easing voting regulations, etc.), making them increasingly more hesitant to support candidates who would turn the country in a more conservative direction.

Cristina’s Dwindling Support Is Not The Rebirth of the Washington Consensus

Prior to the 2001-2002 economic crisis, Argentina strictly adhered to the neoliberal policies put forth by the IMF known as the Washington Consensus. Serving as the IMF poster child for South America, the privatization and trade liberalization initiatives enacted by in Argentina since the 1980s initially created much financial prosperity.

Although neoliberal reforms boosted the health of the nation’s economy, the success of the Washington Consensus was short lived. Years of lax regulation and commodity-dependence eventually brought the economy to its knees. Argentina became a victim of sagging world trade and regional financial crisis [46]. As a result, Argentina defaulted on $132 billion USD worth of loans in 2001 [47]. Its default was the largest in history, only having recently been surpassed by Greece in 2012 [48].

Many correlate the implementation of IMF policies to the current fragility of the economy. Cristina added to these claims by articulately demonizing foreign investors and global financial institutions, blaming foreigners and the IMF for plaguing the country with skyrocketing inflation and lack luster development.

Due to these popular beliefs, Argentines remain highly skeptical that returning to Washington Consensus policies will restore the health of the economy. They are afraid and untrustworthy of international investors; especially given the turbulent history of litigation that the country has undergone Many are fearful that while liberalization may temporarily aid their sickened economy, in the future the country would eventually revert to its current abysmal condition. As a result, it would be incorrect to assume that the country will rapidly begin implementing neoliberal policies. If anything, overwhelming hesitation by the public to revert to the previous free market system of economics makes the resurrection of the Washington Consensus unlikely to occur in the next few years.

Cristina’s Isolation Abroad Is Not The End of Her Global Influence

Cristina’s plummeting global influence is no secret. While her rhetoric may be of some value domestically, it is worthless when used in the global arena where wealth and political influence reign supreme.

Yet Cristina has taken it upon herself to restructure international politics and democratize the way that the world is governed by promoting multilateralism as a mechanism for resolving conflicts. At the 2014 G77 + China summit in Bolivia, she delivered a long-winded speech in which she decried the use of bilateralism, calling it ineffective and counter-intuitive, even for those who implore the method [49]. She stressed the importance of democratizing global institutions, such as the United Nations Security Council, so that international interests are better represented.

Cristina’s inflammatory speeches in international bodies can be said to boost the confidence of small to medium sized countries that are often overlooked as a result of Western hegemony. She is strengthening regional and international cooperation by aiding the construction of a new world order that will, in theory, be fairer and vastly more accommodating of the desires of people throughout the globe. Cristina is accomplishing these goals, not only by integrating Argentina and neighboring economies into regional organizations such as Mercosur, but also by using international conferences as a means of advocating for the use of this newer, more inclusive method of global governance.  Although she has yet to institutionalize multilateralism, it should be noted that her brand of inclusion in international politics is making an impact, regardless of the health of her administration.

Cristina’s Final Term Does Not Mean The End of the “Kirchner Dynasty”

After her sweeping victory in the 2011 presidential elections, members of the Peronist Party rallied around the notion of eliminating presidential term limits, granting Cristina the opportunity to stand for a third term in 2015 [50]. Much to her, and the Peronist Party’s, dismay, the results of Argentina’s 2013 legislative elections eliminated those far-fetched hopes.

Her political party, while in possession of a slight majority in both chambers of congress, lacks the two-thirds approval required to reform the nation’s constitution [51]. While some correlate her inability to run another presidential term to the end of the “Kirchner Dynasty” (2003-present), the fact of the matter is that Cristina has been grooming a successor for her teetering empire.

Máximo Kirchner, a 37-year-old university dropout, is the only son of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner [52]. While he lacks the accolades of political office, he is the founder and leader of La Cámpora, a political youth group that has support from executives in both state-operated corporations and privately owned enterprises [53]. More importantly, he has been his mother’s loyal secretarial gatekeeper since the beginning of her administration [54]. In that role, he has crafted partnerships with the various governors, cabinet members, dignitaries, and top government officials who visitLa Casa Rosada on a daily basis. Many of these public servants and elected officials owe their position to Cristina, whether it is through her endorsement during their political campaigns or a patronage-based appointment to one of Argentina’s numerous government agencies. With the possibility of being replaced by opposition members in the next presidential elections, the majority of these officials will likely agree to support Máximo’s future presidential bid in return for his support.

Luckily, Máximo has the unique advantage of being able to pick and choose the achievements of his father and mother’s administration (i.e. Néstor’s stabilizing of the economy, Cristina’s social programs for the poor, etc.). By doing so, he could present the public with a picturesque interpretation of the “Kirchner Dynasty,” promising voters a return to healthy economy and strong government assistance to the poor that both his parents delivered. The only thing he would need now is an elected position, preferably that of a governor, that would grant him the experience needed to convince the public of his capabilities.

Yet, even if Cristina’s dreams of having Máximo become president are unsuccessful, she has embedded her politics into the fabric of the nation. By establishing new government agencies and working to create an array of new welfare programs, she managed to skillfully merge her ideological ambitions into the public’s concept of what the role of government must play in assisting those less fortunate. The institutionalization of the government’s wealth redistribution practices has given greater life to the “Kirchner Dynasty”, mainly composed of public welfare programs, by ensuring that the practices before mentioned will continue beyond Cristina’s (the dismantling of which would require legislative and executive approval).

Even if the public decides to vote opposition members into office, any politician’s attempt at dismantling same-sex marriages or minimizing the amount of assistance offered by the government would likely result in displeased voters. This would mobilize many, mainly leftist sympathizers, the impoverished, and working class to stage protests and possibly riots. The combination of these factors would tarnish the reputation of any government official, reducing prospects of being reelected, acting as a deterrent from overturning the initiatives implemented by Cristina’s government.


Cristina will never regain the overwhelming popularity that she once enjoyed. She has failed to control inflation, manage unemployment, prevent commodity-shortages, and tackle widespread corruption. Her attempts to incorporate the Falkland Islands into Argentina’s commonwealth have been equally unfruitful. However, the fact that her presidency is in decline should not lead others to believe that it has been an utter failure.

It should be remembered that she, not Isabel Perón, is the first woman to have ever beendemocratically elected and then democratically reelected to the Argentine presidency [55]. Her margins of victory are among the highest that the nation has ever witnessed, surpassing even those of her now-deceased husband [56]. She will forever be able to bask in the glory of being one of the few women to have peacefully attained control of the executive branch in the Western Hemisphere. Her legalization of same-sex marriage, successful expansion of social programs, and establishment of government agencies to promote Argentine culture and innovation all but add to her administrations impressive repertoire.

But even more symbolically, the fact that Cristina was able to garner the support needed to reach the highest ranks of government in a historically male-dominated society demonstrates her boldness in combating the entrenched patriarchal system. While true that Argentina is far from being a country that provides equal opportunities for both genders, Cristina’s political career can serve as an inspiration for those attempting to achieve the “unobtainable.” Her attempts to democratize international institutions and enhance the use of multilateralism further showcases a woman’s ability to motivate the international community to question the status quo and mobilize people to recreate the system of global governance so that it reflects the will of the majority of nations, not just a wealthy few.

While health concerns may prevent the 61-year-old politician from reentering politics, there still remains the opportunity that she may run for a seat as a governor or senator in the distant future. But even if she chooses to conform to a “normal”, civilian lifestyle she will forever be the woman who defied the odds and fundamentally transformed Argentina into a nation that put the needs of the collective over the special interests of the individual.

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[1] Bacon, Kathleen. “Five Years Of Presidency, What Should Be Remembered Of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, September 13, 2012. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[2] Ibid.

[3] “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” New World Encyclopedia, October 20, 2013. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[4] Jones, P. Mark. “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” Britannica: Academic Edition, 2014. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[5] Bevins, Vincent. “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner: a profile of the Argentinian president.”NewStatesman, March 15, 2010. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[6] Bugge, Victor. “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” Iowa State University: Archives of Women’s Political Communication, 2014. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[7]  “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” New World Encyclopedia, October 20, 2013. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[8] “Profile: Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.” BBC News, October 8, 2013. Accessed June 19, 2014.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Sturcke, James. “The art of the possible.” The Guardian, October 29, 2007. Accessed June 21, 2014.

[11] Rodrik, Dani. “Argentina: A Case of Globalisation Gone Too Far or Not Far Enough?” January 2003, accessed June 23, 2014,

“The wait is over.” The Economist, May 17, 2012. Accessed June 22, 2014.

[12] COHA. “Argentina’s Néstor Kirchner: Peronism Without the Tears.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, January 27, 2006. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[13] Dolack, Pete. “The country that said no: Argentina’s path out of austerity.” Systemic Disorder, 2014. Accessed June 23, 2014.

[14] “Kirchner’s diminishing returns.” World Finance, March 13, 2013. Accessed June 24, 2014.

[15] Bacon, Kathleen. “Five Years Of Presidency, What Should Be Remembered Of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, September 13, 2012. Accessed June 20, 2014.

[16] Younker, Kyle. “Asignación Universal por Hijo, One Year Later.” The Argentina Independent, October 12, 2010. Accessed June 22, 2014.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Grazina, Karina. “Argentina approves landmark gay marriage bill.” Reuters, July 15, 2010. Accessed June 21, 2014.

[19] Barrionuevo, Alexei. “Argentine Ex-Leader Dies; Political Impact Is Murky.” The New York Times, October 27, 2010. Accessed June 24, 2014.

[20] “CFK urges G20 to implement new policies ‘to monitor tax havens.’” Buenos Aires Herald, November 12, 2010. Accessed June 21, 2014.

[21] “October 23, 2011 Presidential Election Results – Argentina Totals.” Election Resouces, October 23, 2011. Accessed June 25, 2014.

[22] Schmall, Emily. “Transgender Advocates Hail Law Easing Rules in Argentina.” The New York Times, May 24, 2012. Accessed June 25, 2014.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Gilbert, Jonathan. “Will letting 16-year-old vote change Argentina?” The Christian Science Monitor, October 27, 2013. Accessed June 24, 2014.

[25] Ibid.

[26] “Crisinta Fernández de Kirchner.” International Telecommunication Union, 2012. Accessed June 23, 2014.

[27] AQ Online. “Argentina Creates Culture Ministry.” Americas Quartely, May 8, 2014. Accessed June 25, 2014.

[28] Araya, A. Jorge. “Cristina, Gets Serious.” The Harvard Crimson, October 9, 2012. Accesses June 23, 2014.

[29] “The CFK psychodrama.” The Economist, April 12, 2014. Accessed June 23, 2014.

[30] Adams, Mike. “Argentina’s regime leader Kirchner freezes food prices, pushes country toward food shortages and riots.” Natural News, February 11, 2013. Accessed June 23, 2014.

[31] Jastreblansky, Maja. “El crecimiento de los bienes de los Kirchner: de 7 a 89 milliones de pesos.” La Nacion, December 11, 2012. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[32] “Stung by corruption allegations, Argentina leader lashes out against newspaper’s ‘lies’.” Fox News, December 17, 2013. Accessed June 25, 2014.

[33] Roberts, M. James. “Cronyism and Corruption Are Killing Freedom in Argentina.” The Heritage Foundation, April, 22, 2010. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[34] “Knock, knock: The government unleashes the tax agency against its opponents.” The Economist, July 19, 2012. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[35] “Don’t lie to me, Argentina.” The Economist, February 25, 2012. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[36] Henao, Andres Luis. “Argentina YPF Nationalization: Energy Crisis Provoked Government Expropriation Of Repsol YPF.” The Hiffington Post, April 22, 2012. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[37] Padgett, Tim. “Why The Reign Of Argentina’s ‘Queen Cristina’ Is All But Over – And How Miami Benefits.” WLRN, October 30, 2013. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[38] Alexander, Harriet and Sherwell, Philip. “’Queen Cristina’ facing the end of her reign.” The Telegraph, October 19, 2013. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Ibid.

[41] Ibid.

[42] “Peso panic and rocketing prices shake the throne of Argentina’s Queen Cristina.” The Guardian, February 1, 2014. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[43] “Dirty War.” Britannica Academic Edition, 2014. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[44] Finchelstein, Federico. “An Argentine Dictator’s Legacy.” The New York Times, March 27, 2013. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[45] Tremlett, Giles. “Argentinian jailed for throwing prisoners from plane.” The Guardian, April 19, 2005. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[46] Williamson, John. “A Short History of the Washington Consensus.” Institute for International Economics, September 24, 2004. Accessed June 26, 2014.

[47] Rodrik, Dani. “Argentina: A Case of Globalisation Gone Too Far or Not Far Enough?” January 2003, accessed June 23, 2014,

[48] “The wait is over.” The Economist, May 17, 2012. Accessed June 22, 2014.

[49] “CFK: ‘Unilateralism is not good, not even for those who exercise it.’” Buenos Aires Herald, June 15, 2014. Accessed June 28, 2014.

[50] Raszewski, Eliana. “Argentina Cuts Voting Age as Fernandez Aims to Boost Support.”Bloomberg, November 1, 2012. Accessed June 25, 2014.

[51] “Argentina: Constitution of Argentina.” World Intellectual Property Organization, 2014. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[52] “Biografía no autorizada de Máximo, el ‘profundizador’ del modelo K.” Perfil, June 11, 2010. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[53] “The CFK psychodrama.” The Economist, April 12, 2014. Accessed June 23, 2014.

[54] Alexander, Harriet and Sherwell, Philip. “’Queen Cristina’ facing the end of her reign.” The Telegraph, October 19, 2013. Accessed June 27, 2014.

[55] “Profile: Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.” BBC News, October 8, 2013. Accessed June 19, 2014.

[56] Ibid.